Anthropology of Religious Conversion

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This course is available with permission as an outside option to students on other programmes where regulations permit. The ethnography of local Christianities in the light of differing cultural and social situations including colonial conditions. The relationship between Christianity and the discipline of anthropology. The view that the rise of the modem state with its bureaucratic modes would supersede religion has proven mistaken. Some have seen conversion as diffuse, yet others have sought to contain it in a particular event.

With its roots in trait analysis, syncretism fits well with ideas of cultural flow, with the cosmopolitan and the hybrid. These are notions that evoke the image of bricoleurs, experimenters and iconoclasts involved in cultural pastiche. Conversion is a cultural passage more robust than this. Possibly experimental at first, it becomes a deliberate change with definite direction and shape. It shows itself responsive to particular knowledge and practices. To be converted is to reidentify, to learn, reorder, and reorient.

It involves interrelated modes of transformation that generally continue over time and define a consistent course. Not mere syncretism, neither can conversion involve a simple and absolute break with a previous social life. Learning anew proceeds over time and requires a process of integrating knowledge and experience.

Comprehensive reform of another is in fact an elusive goal, because a cultural being can never entirely even know herself. In the shadowy terrain between explicit and implicit culture, the person hides from herself and among her practiced dispositions. She therefore can only cooperate somewhat in any project to negate the past. Thinking about conversion as passage, and about passage as more than syncretism or breach, suggests a further dimension to conversion, a quest for human belonging.

Rather than simple cultural breach, the voiding of a past social self, the language of converts expresses new forms of relatedness. The public aspect of this belonging is perhaps a new identity, a newly inscribed communal self defined through the gaze of others. But for the person who has converted or allowed herself to be converted, the issue is a larger one and also more intimate.

Conversion is a type of passage that negotiates a place in the world. Conversion as passage is also quest, a quest to be at home in a world experienced as turbulent or constraining or, in some particular way, as wanting in value! The passage of conversion is a passage to some place rather than no place. It is not a quest for utopia but rather for habitus? It involves a process of continual embedding in forms of social practice and belief, in ritual dispositions and somatic experience. Conversion involves an encultured being arriving at a particular place.

The passages in conversion can be remarkably diverse. Some involve immediate and intense somatic experience. Some conversions interweave these phenomena; still others involve more immediate reorientations of practice within the same religion or national culture. The forms of passage are numerous, and most are extended through time. As this collection shows, they can at times seem to have little in common. Yet all these passages from and to are directed to a home in the world, structured through particular knowledge and modes of ritual practice.

Heterogeneous they certainly are, and yet they comprise a discernible phenomenon-for all their increasing engagement with the political, conversions are religious practice in the world rather than politics. The widespread prevalence of conversion events that prompts a collection such as this, however, speaks to something more, some broader historical dynamics spanning a number of cultures and times.

The chapters provide accounts of passages between various modes of Christian practice and between statuses within Christianity; passages between different world religions Christianity and Judaism, Hinduism and Christianity, and Christianity and Sufi Islam ; various Christian engagements with Spiritualism; and passages from one regional religion to another. What are the historical dynamics involved in these various movements, and are there connections between them that prompt such a plethora of passages in the world today?

Reflecting on Weber, Hefner has argued that world religions, and especially Christianity, should not be seen simply as the artifact of one or another colonizing process? World religions have been able to create some of the largest transnational milieus in the world today by virtue of their highly systematized forms of transcendentalism, their organized ritual forms, and their effective socialization of converts. Sahlins has remarked that the dominant metaphors of modem society come from the market, as it elaborates its links around the world Not mere shadows of the market, however, these world religions have their own dynamics that engage with other ontologies and cosmologies in quite particular ways.

Transgressive wrongdoing, in other words, is not strange to Aguaruna. What was strange and has changed among them is the attribution of sin to the self rather than to others. The latter, once usual practice was often embedded in witchcraft beliefs and tied to social dramas of revenge. The link in this transition is between forms of individualism of a type that absorbed Dumont, and the engagement with a specific Christian rendering of sin: Mendoza offers an equally interesting perspective on world religion and changing local cosmology. The Western Toba of Argentine Chaco have reordered their world to engage Christianity, but only by inserting its transcendentalism into their previous cosmology as elaborated by shamans.

The conversion process there presents features that both Weber and Horton would readily recognize see Weber [] and Horton And yet it is particular-Asabano conversion involves new relations with a new spirit, a spirit able to engage with any and all human beings. They were systems that subsumed others and, with their systematicity, acted relentlessly to homogenize the world. The passage involved in much conversion has often followed this historical direction. Yet these ex- The Anthropology of Conversion 5 amples, along with others provided by Norris, Farhadian, Menon, and Seeman, show that the world religions also open up new possibilities that cannot always be contained within a greatly extended system.

The world religions do assimilate, but they also create a new diversity, in which numerous passages are possible. The dynamic of world religions also intersects with that of nation-states.

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Nation-states are another form of modem imagined community, one in which the struggle to establish shared symbols and institutions can become intense and threaten to split the state apart. As Tambiah has argued, the progress of nationalism and nation-states in the twentieth century is multistranded. It involves the spread of the Western European form of secular nation, a system that fostered privatization of religion during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries.

When these two forms of nationalism meet, the demands of the homogenizing nation-state either for secularism or for religious conformity can precipitate conflict. Christianity there has moved from the status of private religion to a Melanesian rallying call against Indonesia with its Muslim face and assimilating thrust.

Hindu nationalism presents the other, majority side of this confrontation between national projects. Contesting a secular politics, Hindus struggle aggressively to make their mark on the nation-state. Menon describes the ways in which nationalists identify and castigate the tricks involved in Christian conversion.

Nationalist efforts to draw minorities into Hinduism, on the other hand, are not identified as conversion but rather as a returning of citizens to their essential Hindu being. There are also other ways in which the circumstance of nation-states mediates conversion. Conversion can become the medium of passage between nation-states. Like the Hindu nationalists, Seeman suggests, the Jewish state did not regard this passage as conversion, but more as a return precipitated by turmoil in Ethiopia. Just as interesting are Spiritual Baptists in Trinidad who experiment with Rastafarianism.

A variety of New World Ethiopianism, Rastafarianism seeks to provide through religion a sense of nation in island societies that struggle to articulate autonomous cultures in the shadow of the United States. In a fascinating discussion of very different kinds of conversion in Italy, Di Bella shows that religious passage can be between nations and also between states of being.

Contemporary returned emigrants to the United States use their newly acquired Pentecostalism to mark off themselves and their relatives from their Italian neighbors. The Bianchi of the sixteenth and seventeenth century, by contrast, converted the bodies of the condemned. By proposing that ritual submission on the gallows would return them to the Kingdom of God, this Sicilian company kept the convicted quiet and possibly provided comfort.

Although the nation may inform and sometimes encourage conversion, its power to do so is never unlimited. Anderson presents an account of Icelandic engagements with Christianity in which the religion on more than one occasion has singularly failed to socialize believers into its view of the world. He describes the situation of Icelanders around the year C. Similarly, the spiritism that pervaded Iceland in the early twentieth century has been excluded again from Christian orthodoxy, but not from the orientations and everyday interests of many Icelanders.

Judaism as a national religion has not been inclined to proselytize. Aspiring converts who are not believed to have appropriate Jewish descent may not be rejected but often are not encouraged either. And Islam, although it has spread around the world, has failed to engage a Christendom that identifies itself with European descent. Similarly, for many in the Middle East today, the nationalization of religion makes passage between Judaism and Islam almost unimaginable as would be passage between Hinduism and Islam for many in the Indian subcontinent.

Again, even prior to the rise of modem nationalisms, Christianity had only modest impact in much of Asia. The Anthropology of Conversion 7 The study of conversion must address these ideas about race, religion, and politics that preclude or discourage religious passage.

They suggest that conversion on a large and patterned scale is not common between literate and stable civilizations. Though not simply a colonization, conversion does require significant flux and also, perhaps, a real perception of unequal degrees of power attached to different forms of knowledge. As Klass has observed, the relevant issues were prefigured in the emergence of the tension between religion on the one hand and humanism and science on the other.

Like Klass, de Certeau envisioned a complementary relationship between science and religion, the former describing the natural world and the latter providing a social-moral orientation. This circumstance was intensified by the rise of nation-states. The cultural identities of these states have presented their members, especially in the West, with a plethora of cultures and ideological alternatives.

In the course of the twentieth century, the impetus to relativism and a questioning of once authoritative texts has therefore intensified. Klass notes two current alternatives to science. One is fundamentalism, which proposes an omnipotent deity able to intervene in the world as a real causal force. For this reason, Klass observes, fundamentalists need not be opposed to science but rather can welcome it, if not as authority then at least as tool. Either way, fundamentalism involves a quest for authoritative truth often embodied in a text and in a somatic experience pursued and validated through repeated social practice.

Moreover, many conservative Christianities, if not strictly fundamentalist, now sustain this quest for a preestablished and recorded truth with scientistic attributes. Coleman, Norris, Brown, and Reidhead and Reidhead all describe interesting versions of the quest for authoritative truth. Norris recounts the way in which different types of somatic experience ground different quests for authority.

In his account of Swedish charismatics, Coleman underlines the central place that converting others has among the converted. They use these to recreate the experience of their own conversion and also to attest to the powers it has brought. This particular case is interesting because their subject describes her Catholic conversion in enthusiastic terms more typical of Pentecostalism.

Yet the vacillation that occurs in the practice of the Spiritualists has its roots in scientistic aspirations. They wish to know whether or not there is life after death, but they often change their conclusions due to the variable experience involved in practices that lack codification. These essays all describe quests for authority mostly embodied in texts and validated by physical experience. Not one but both of these are crucial to the fundamentalist and show how this form of religion can engage with some of the aspirations of science.

Aware of a larger world and its vast religious possibilities, these practitioners look beyond the West for systems they can engage with. Klass identifies Spiritualism as a forerunner to these developments. Rather than postrationalist, I would describe these quests as essentially romantic. This is reflected in the milieus described by Brown, Norris, and Glazier, but I suspect that it also touches numerous other passages, from those involving Danish Jews and Dani Christians to those of Icelandic spiritists.

Rather than mere bricoleurs, these various converts quest for a habitus that embraces texts but also accommodates their own capacity for agency. This perhaps is the mark of a transcultural modernity that now informs most of the passages involved in conversion. The emphasis in the various chapters is not on singular experience, paranormal or otherwise, or on absolute breach with a former life, but rather on the way in which conversion is a passage: constituted and reconstituted through social practice and the articulation of new forms of relatedness.

An anthropology of conversion must focus on representation and phenomenology but invariably will return to the practice of social life in which the various embodiments of meaning are sustained in relational ways. This links this collection with broader methodological themes in anthropology concerning social practice and agency.

The chapters also reference a turbulent historical setting in which the gamut of nation-states and other nationalisms struggle for salience and stability as cultural milieus.


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In this context, conversion as religious passage is now a prevalent response to dilemmas intellectual and practical. World religions are being called upon as global economics and secular nationalism offer only uncertain futures to most of their participants. And some of these participants are actively engaged in reinterpreting religion.

Possibly this explains why the contributors to this book see conversion as ongoing and partial. Modern developments, both intellectual and political, have freed religion from the corral to which it was assigned by Western Europe. Religion now resides in the world with all its previous entanglements both personal and political, both local and transnational. Studies of conversion, therefore, go to the heart of cultural passage in the world today.

This collection grew out of an invited session at the meeting of the American Anthropological Association. I was delighted to participate as one discussant in the panel. The other discussant was the late Morton Klass, who died before this collection of papers could be published. Nonetheless, the collection stands as a tribute to his scholarship and insight within the anthropological study of religion. It also stands as a memorial to his enthusiasm and warmth appreciated by students and colleagues alike. NOTES 1. See Turner a, Lohmann uses it in this book to describe the changes that occur when autochthonous people are encompassed in a world religion-a revolution for them of equal magnitude.

Michael Jackson evokes this notion in his account of Central Australia. See Jackson See Clifford Herzfeld links idioms of intimacy to the issue of nationalism See Klass and de Certeau The destiny for religion as a social-moral orientation was also canvassed by the evolutionist Tylor [ Bourdieu, Pierre. Outline of a Theory of Practice. Translated by Richard Nice. London: University of Cambridge Press. Clifford, James.

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Cambridge, Mass. Comaroff, Jean, and John Comaroff. From Revelation to Revolution. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Darcy, Anthony. Austin-Broos, pp. Sydney: Allen and Unwin. De Certeau, Michel. New York: Columbia University Press. Dirks, Nicholas B. New York: Routledge. Dumont, Louis. Geertz, Clifford. The Religion of Java. New York: The Free Press. Hefner, Robert W. Berkeley: University of California Press. Herzfeld, Michael. Horton, Robin. Jackson, Michael. At Home in the World. Durham, N. Klass, Morton.

Ordered Universes: Approaches to the Anthropology of Religion. Boulder: Westview Press. Marriott, McKim. Philadelphia: Institute for the Study of Human Issues. Mauss, Marcel. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul. Rambo, Lewis R. Understanding Religious Conversion. New Haven, Conn. Sahlins, Marshall.

Culture and Practical Reason. Chicago: Chicago University Press. Tambiah, Stanley. Chicago: Aldine. Ithaca, N. Turner, Victor, and Edith Turner. Weber, Max. Gerth and C. Wright Mills, pp. London: Routledge. The Rhetoric, Practice, and Rhetorical Practice of Charismatic Protestant Conversion Simon Coleman I n the English town where I live and work, there is an old bridge that spans the river and leads up to the market square.

Over the past few years, a middleaged man has occasionally appeared on the bridge, standing with his back to one of its stone walls. His voice booms out at passersby, who politely but firmly nudge each other to the other side of the footpath, forming a subtle arc of separation between themselves and the man.

Apparently oblivious, he continues to deliver his urgent message: that the world will end soon, that we need to be saved immediatelypreferably before we get to the end of the bridge-and that Jesus is our only route to salvation. I invoke this image partly because it corresponds to common conceptions of conservative Protestantism in much of Northern Europe.

Anthropology in 10 or Less: 109: Religion Part 1: An Anthropology of Religion

In certain respects, of course, such assumptions are correct. Missionizing is a highly valued activity cf. Ammerman , and the scorn or indifference of outsiders is often rationalized away by believers as merely indicating the need to increase their proselytizing efforts. And indeed, toward the end of the very first Pentecostalist service I attended, an elderly woman spotted me standing next to a senior member of the church.

The new and rapidly growing group has frequently been described by local theologians, other Christians, journalists, and members of the public in terms that invoke classic tropes of brainwashing Coleman ; cf. Ironically, Word of Life rhetoric has some affinities with such discourse. Believers generally agree that conversion involves a total surrendering of the self to a higher force, followed by behavioral signs-particularly glossolaliathat indicate a state of ecstasy.

Ideally, also, a Christian should be a bold giver of money or other resources to others, on the Faith theory that gifts will return tenfold or hundredfold to the giver. Testimonies from revival meetings and reports from missionaries talk of how thousands of people are being saved in Sweden and abroad. Peter Stromberg 3; cf. Harding , writing of American evangelicals, has recently argued that the transformational efficacy of the conversion experience is not confined to the original event. For him, telling and retelling conversion stories is a central ritual of faith, framing per- Continuous Conversion?

I want to look at similar narratives of personal conversion but also at other proselytizing activities, verbal and nonverbal, that reignite the symbolic and experiential power of conversionary processes. I argue that reaching out into the world in order to convert others is a self-constitutive act for the charismatics I have studied. Missionization is not merely a matter of attempting to transform the potential convert, but also-perhaps even primarilya means of recreating or reconverting the charismatic self.

The third part of my argument relates to the kind of people who participate in Word of Life activities. Many have previously belonged to other churches, and some still retain formal membership in churches of a rather different theological hue. It can imply that movement of the self toward charismatic conviction is an ongoing process, albeit one described by a rhetoric of spontaneous transformation; it indicates a blurring of the boundaries of identity between religious affiliations; and it suggests that analysis of conversion practices should focus not only on the potential neophyte, but also on broader sets of social relations and ideological representations that include and influence the evangelizing believer.

Asad that the word has no meaning as an analytical category because it cannot grasp the highly variable, syncretistic manner in which social identities and cultural styles are transformed in contexts of mission. The focus on radical psychological and spiritual transformation on the level of the individual, inherited from William James ; cf. Stress on the importance of inner transformation is thus challenged by Durkheimian concerns relating to identity and cosmology.

Yet such approaches do not necessarily take us very far toward an understanding of conversion per se because ultimately they apply to any aspect of culture, while also perhaps begging comparative questions as to the specific meanings of consciousness, voluntarism, and so on. I prefer to start with the inductive observation that conversion is an ideological category and a set of ritualized practices that are key to Swedish charismatic identity on personal and collective levels.

I do not assume that a simple story can be told about the motivations or causes for conversion. My argument is that conversion as a multivalent idea and as a quality of action permeates the charismatic life, and under the right conditions it can help to sustain that life, whether outsiders are persuaded to enter the body of Christ or not. Virtually every service I have attended at the ministry has ended in the classic altar call, the appeal to all who are unsaved in the congregation to come up and choose this moment to dedicate their lives to Jesus.

Yet at no point have I ever seen anybody actually take up this call during a normal weekday or Sunday meeting. I3 Usually, it is followed by an offer of healing to those who are already saved but who have health or other problems, or by an offer of spiritual reinforcement for those who feel that they have discovered their special calling from God.

This latter offer is always taken up by some members of the congregation, often in large numbers. Although the conversionist and the healing rituals broadly parallel each other in ritual habitus-with both involving the laying on of hands and the uttering of Continuous Conversion?

If Word of Life rhetoric-and that of its critics-is valid and hundreds or thousands are being converted by the group, such transformations are not happening during services in Uppsala. Nor do they seem to be translated into membership of the group. Reliable figures are difficult to obtain, but those that exist cf. In other words, many of the people who engage with the ministry are not members of its congregation, but more temporary consumers of its charismatic resources.

Flinn Pentecostalists who are attracted to the Word of Life regard the older congregation as important to them in a social sense, but argue that the newer group has taken over the mantle of promoting revival in Uppsala and indeed Sweden. Among new Christians, the previous life that has been left behind is characterized as one of depression, alcoholism, darkness, lack of direction, and so on. Yet, intriguingly, in both cases personal testimonies invoke a charismatic rhetoric that draws on common themes of self-revitalization or even rebirth.

AustinBroos As with the juxtapositions of ritual conversion and ritual healing at the end of services, identity transformation and identity reinforcement draw on very similar symbolic language. However, rather than abandoning the concept of conversion, I prefer to explore its multivalence, even within a single religious organization, by suggesting that it is a quality of action as much as it is a mechanism for bringing outsiders into the group. By this I mean that for all believers, mature or newly saved, participation in the group is likely to involve a huge number of activities that are characterized by a conversionist orientation.

In certain cases such action is highly focused and systematic, involving perhaps the training of Bible School students through lectures or knocking on doors around town. Missionary trips abroad are also regularly organized. Indeed, the use of media is crucial to the construction of a conversionist quality of action that attaches to so many areas of life: apart from rendering worship available for potentially unlimited consumption, it also indicates the iconic character of all action at the group, the sense that all who are there -particularly preachers but even ordinary members of the audiencemay become exemplars for unseen viewers and listeners.

I8 Yet, as with images of the Word of Life that depict it as brainwashing hordes of young, spiritually naYve innocents, all is not as it first appears. Any given Bible School student may only be required to evangelize in Uppsala around once a month. Furthermore, all believers are instructed to avoid argument or self-justification on such occasions. Missionary trips abroad are regularly arranged but may cultivate the experience of having traveled far to Continuous Conversion?

The program of one such trip given to me by a participant details a five-day journey to Finland, during which time the only prescribed involvement with direct evangelizing occurred on the boat away from and back to Sweden. The use of media technology to spread the Word further divorces the missionary from the missionized, allowing intragroup worship to be regarded as a powerful means of reaching the anonymous Other.

Even preaching in the market square attracts an audience that is made up predominantly of Word of Life members themselves, some of whom might attempt to talk to apparently interested strangers but most of whom are likely to contribute to the event by their presence alone. Instructions as to how to convert also imply that a conversionary orientation need not always be expressed in direct confrontation with the unsaved Other. In Faith rhetoric, reaching out via the electronic media is an effective missionary tool and has the advantage of speaking to potentially unlimited numbers of people at the same time.

A confident conversionist orientation and habitus can be cultivated through imagining the unconverted Other as much as meeting him or her face-to-face. Only the rhetorical presence of the unsaved person is actually necessary to the system. And although instant results of evangelization are welcomed, these are not always necessary. Similar notions are evident in many missionizing congregations but are given a particular flavor in Faith discourse.

Barron , the Faith perspective emphasizes the ability of anointed words-spoken by a believer-not just to describe but actually to 22 Simon Coleman become reality. Similarly, material goods or money that are given to others or contributed to an ambitious enterprise are viewed as investments of the self in a bountiful God, with the assumption that a good rate of return will redound to the person.

The personal revitalization that is a feature of Word of Life participation is intimately linked to practices that appear to orient the self beyond parochial and physical limits. On a personal level, it can imply the adoption of a bold and entrepreneurial character that is not regarded as conventionally Swedish and that is sometimes criticized by outsiders as being typically American. It also implies a criticism of other, older denominations that have let the revivalist spirit die down and become not just institutionalized but also too introverted.

More broadly, the Faith rhetoric of outreach can be read as denying the possibility of limiting ambition in cultural, economic, or even political terms, or of submitting to Swedish state bureaucracy. More broadly still, it implies the possibility of feeling part of a global Christian movement whose scope and significance are not confined to one country alone, let alone one that is renowned for its secularity.

Indeed, the ministry in Uppsala is only the headquarters of an operation that maintains other offices in Europe, Asia, and the United States and that is in constant and close touch with Faith adherents around the world. Praying for the conversion of unknown others, contributing money to send Bibles to Russia, visiting fellow believers at a conference in Finland, plucking up the courage to witness to a friend, and so on are actions that constitute charismatic identity in the very act of extending it out into the To give an example of how these meanings can be realized and interpreted by the individual believer, let me briefly mention the case of Pamela, a woman in her early twenties who, when I interviewed her in , had been a Word of Life student and an active member in the organization as a whole.

Although previously a Christian, Pamela had felt her faith and Christian identity to have been revived after her response to an altar call at a Word of Life service that had resulted in her publicly falling to the ground under the power of the Holy Spirit.


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These labels, combined with her powerful ritual experience and some participation in missionary activities, reinforced in Pamela a conviction of the outgoing self. Pamela also found a job that resonated perfectly with her newfound identity, involving telephone sales for a firm that was run by a fellow congregation member. Notably absent from her conception of herself was any sense of engagement with political issues, indicating that the repertoire of symbolic resonances offered by participation in the Word of Life allows for considerable variations in personal focus.

I have simply chosen to point out that conversion is an activity whose significance extends far beyond the question of whether an unbeliever becomes a believer. Most attempts at conversion-in the Word of Life or probably in any other religious groupend in what from the outside looks like a kind of failure since the object of conversion discourse remains unconvinced; but in making such an observation we have hardly said all there is to say about conversion as a practice or a quality of acti0n.

They are also rituals that require an object toward which to reach, even if such an object is imagined. It might, therefore, seem that I am agreeing with Horton that conversion can involve-indeed, can depend upon-a widening of social and intellectual horizons. As I have argued elsewhere a , Word of 24 Simon Coleman Life strategies do provide conservative Protestant appropriations of increasingly global imagery. However, my key point is that Word of Lifers are reaching out into a world that they construct as far as possible, imaginatively and ritualistically, to conform with already established charismatic expectations.

Let me, therefore, finish by returning to my image of the man standing on the bridge in Durham, shouting out a message to passersby who do not appear to be listening to his message. I have not approached the man, and do not know which church, if any, he belongs to. However, if he has anything in common with his Swedish Faith counterparts, his words will not be spoken entirely in vain. They have an audience of at least one, given that the evangelical speaker is also perforce a listener, attending to a message that achieves an important part of its purpose merely by being powerfully and passionately projected out into the world.

According to van der Veer 7 , the conversion of others has gradually been marginalized in modem Europe and transported to the often non-Christian , colonized world. In this chapter, I have not discussed Pentecostalist attitudes to conversion in any detail. Faith ministries are known for preaching a theology that is oriented toward the gaining of health and material prosperity. The roots of such emphases can be traced to New Thought Metaphysics and postwar healing revivalism. Faith theologies have proved attractive to both working- and middle-class conservative Protestants in many parts of the world, particularly over the past thirty years.

The notional head of the movement is Kenneth Hagin, at whose bible school Ulf Ekman the leader of the Word of Life studied in the early s. As is common in Pentecostalist and charismatic groups, the renewed body is seen as a vessel for the Holy Spirit about to conjoin with the broader body of Christ cf.

Religious Conversion : Anthropology - oi

Austin-Broos Heard in Uppsala, Such periods are also common among new converts to the Word of Life. Continuous Conversion? Where possible, the course will include a student fieldwork weekend and forms of reflection and reporting on that experience. Students are expected to prepare discussion material for presentation in the seminars. Students will be expected to produce 1 essay in the MT.

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